Donald Trump’s grab for Ukraine’s minerals, which the US president is demanding as compensation for his nation’s wartime help to Kyiv, would possibly look like a brand new low in per week of US-Ukraine relations lows.
The latest draft of Trump’s “minerals deal” would grant the US substantial management of a brand new fund that might put money into Ukrainian reconstruction. The fund would obtain 50% of the income from the longer term monetisation of government-owned Ukrainian pure assets corresponding to lithium and titanium, in addition to coal, fuel, oil and uranium.
This deal, regardless of providing no assure of continued US army assist, is a slight enchancment on Trump’s first providing. That bid would have imposed monetary circumstances on Ukraine harsher than these forced on Germany after the primary world struggle.
Nonetheless, the deal will nonetheless require future generations of Ukrainians to shoulder the price of a struggle for which they bear no accountability. Commentators, together with British international minister David Lammy, have famous that it could be extra simply to seize frozen Russian assets and use them to cowl the price of repairing the harm Russia has wreaked throughout the nation.
However, whereas many within the west have balked at Trump’s barefaced extractivism, his actions are totally in keeping with the best way western capitalists have approached Ukraine and its assets because the Nineteenth century.
deniks315 / Shutterstock
Ukraine’s east, known as Donbas, is usually thought to have been industrialised within the Nineteen Thirties, when Joseph Stalin was main the Soviet Union. Presently, Donbas was marketed to the world as a logo of proletarian superabundance. It was a spot the place miners and steelworkers exceeded their production quotas by 30 or 40 occasions.
However the growth of business extraction in jap Ukraine dates again a lot earlier and was powered, partially, by European capital and know-how.
Within the mid-Nineteenth century, when this a part of Ukraine was managed by the Russian empire, the Russian tsars opened the nation’s borders to international capital funding within the hopes of accelerating its industrialisation drive. A collection of fiscal measures had been launched that made it extra engaging to foreigners to put money into the empire’s rising industrial markets.
This inspired a wave of economic migration from western Europe to all areas of the multinational state. Overseas capitalists usually partnered with Russian enterprise elites primarily based in Saint Petersburg and different main cities and set about producing enormous quantities of revenue from the extraction of the empire’s invaluable assets.
Donbas, with its wealth of minerals, was a area of specific curiosity for international capitalists. French, Belgian, German, Dutch and British industrialists all relocated to the area within the second half of the Nineteenth century hoping to make their fortunes by excavating the area’s salt, chalk, gypsum, and coal. Actually, there was a lot Belgian capital circulating at one level that Donbas turned often known as “the tenth Belgian province”.
Regardless of the paternalism of some international managers, the extraction of Ukraine’s minerals did little to enhance the lifetime of native communities. Moderately, it contributed to the displacement of indigenous individuals and prompted huge environmental and ecological harm.
City planning usually replicated the segregated circumstances of European colonies in Africa and India. Overseas settlers lived other than native employees, in privileged housing situated in higher provisioned components of city downwind of the poisonous fumes of the blast furnaces and the chimney stacks.
Within the settlement of Hughesovka (now often known as Donetsk), which was named after the Welsh industrialist John Hughes, Welsh settlers tried to reconstruct the trimmings of British life on the Ukrainian steppe.
They constructed tennis courts and an Anglican church, organized tea events, and even had an beginner dramatics society. In the meantime, the native workforce lived in abject poverty, usually accommodated in barracks or mud dugouts.
In these dismal circumstances, infectious illness and dissatisfaction had been widespread. There are several reports of riots following large-scale outbreaks of cholera and native hospitals were reportedly overflowing.

Archive PL / Alamy Stock Photo
Earlier than Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, this era of European capitalist exploitation was drawing considerable interest from researchers.
The “European” industrial heritage of Donbas was getting used to tell different stories about the region and to spotlight its advanced, multicultural historical past. This heritage was seen to carry potential as a counter-narrative to the poisonous “Russian world” propaganda emanating from the occupied territories, which maintains that Ukraine is an integral a part of Russia’s historic sphere of cultural affect.
However there’s a hazard in being too romantic about this chapter in historical past. Overseas capitalist funding within the extraction of Ukrainian minerals was not a basic instance of settler colonialism. Nonetheless, it bore many similarities to western European colonial practices in different components of the world right now.
What this historical past reminds us is that Ukraine has lengthy been situated on the intersection of empires. And these empires have usually collaborated to plunder the nation’s assets, providing little or nothing in return.
We are able to see this sort of predatory collaboration of imperial and neo-imperial regimes as soon as once more taking form. Russia’s chief, Vladimir Putin, is trying to tempt Trump away from a cope with Ukraine with guarantees of entry to Ukraine’s uncommon earth minerals within the occupied territories.
We should proceed to collect and protest, as many people did on the three-year anniversary of the full-scale invasion this week, to withstand such politics of resourcification.