“Trump’s golden age seems to be an terrible lot like a brand new Gilded Age,” wrote Politico this month, reflecting on the second inauguration of the US’ president, prominently attended by tech billionaires. The day after that inauguration, historian Beverly Gage “couldn’t cease enthusiastic about the Gilded Age” and its “fast technological change in addition to stark inequality, company graft and violent clashes between staff and managers”.
However what was the Gilded Age – and does the comparability maintain up?
The time period, which spans the 1870s–Nineties, got here from an 1873 novel by celebrated satirist Mark Twain, The Gilded Age: A Tale of To-Day, co-written with journalist and neighbour Charles Dudley Warner. It meant a nation that glittered from its development and the buildup of financial energy by the extraordinarily rich. The title referenced Shakespeare’s King John, through which the Earl of Salisbury states, “To gild refined gold, to color the lily […] is wasteful and ridiculous extra” (Act IV, scene 2).
Trump himself has cited this era as an aspiration. “We have been at our richest from 1870 to 1913. That’s after we have been a tariff nation. After which they went to an revenue tax idea,” Trump mentioned, days after taking workplace. “It’s effective. It’s OK. However it could have been very significantly better.”
Experts on the era, nevertheless, say he’s idealising “a time rife with authorities and enterprise corruption, social turmoil and inequality”, and “dramatically overestimating” the position of tariffs.
“Probably the most astonishing factor for historians is that no one within the Gilded Age financial system – apart from the very wealthy – wished to reside within the Gilded Age financial system,” said Richard White, emeritus professor of historical past at Stanford College.

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What’s ‘the Gilded Age’?
For Twain and his co-writer, the message of their novel was plain: the early 1870s was stuffed with gilded lilies – a interval of wasteful extra, shady dealing in enterprise, and political corruption.
The yr 1872 noticed a large scandal over the railroads’ affect in politics, after “a sham development firm”, Crédit Mobilier, had been chartered to build the Union Pacific Railroad “by financing it with unmarketable bonds”.
Consultant Oakes Ames of Massachusetts bought the shares at cut price charges to high-ranking Home colleagues to safe political clout for the corporate. Whereas most bought them shortly, consultant James Brooks of New York (additionally a authorities director for Union Pacific Railroad) profited from a big block of shares.
Ames and Brooks have been censured by the Home in 1873 for utilizing their political place for monetary achieve. The Crédit Mobilier Scandal, because it was known as, grew to become nationwide information.

Joseph Keppler, Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper/Wikimedia Commons
The Gilded Age satirised such blatant pursuit of wealth. Its story centred across the members of the fictional Hawkins household, making an attempt to get wealthy by promoting their primarily nugatory land in Tennessee beneath false pretences that misrepresented its worth. The novel employs pathos in addition to satire. An adopted daughter, Laura Hawkins, kills her married lover. She is tried and acquitted, however earlier than her dying, she feels responsible about her previous behaviour.
Although amusing and intelligent as political and social satire, critics on the time have been unimpressed by its rambling plot and uneven narrative – and it has by no means been considered nice literature.
The Gilded Age, as an period, was a time of nice financial booms and busts. It noticed the buildup of hundreds of thousands by the savvy and the rise of systemic corruption within the halls of Congress, state and native legislatures. Tammany Corridor, the Democratic headquarters in New York, became almost a synonym for urban corruption within the awarding of municipal contracts.
Politics was trench warfare between the intently matched Democrats and Republicans. The themes of political battle included the supposed evils of the banking and credit score system, learn how to bear in mind the which means of the not too long ago ended American Civil Conflict (the Democratic Occasion was still accused of being “the get together of riot” in 1890), and learn how to incorporate previously enslaved folks into the physique politic with out giving them important energy. These are enduring points.

The Gilded Age, as we consider it right this moment, most likely wasn’t set in concrete as an period masking the entire of the late nineteenth century till 1927, when Charles Austin Beard, then America’s most well-known historian, plucked the time period from Twain’s 1873 ebook for a chapter in his vastly influential textbook, The Rise of American Civilization, co-written along with his spouse, Mary Ritter Beard.
The Beards used the time period to cowl the interval from roughly the late 1860s to the mid-Nineties in home American historical past. The Civil War and Reconstruction interval (1865–77) and the Gilded Age overlapped: corruption had already been current through the struggle, attributable to authorities contracts for the supplies of struggle. Their ebook was assigned to a number of generations of mid-Twentieth-century college and highschool college students within the US, and the time period entered frequent utilization.
Waves of progressive advance and response
Beard was an advocate of civil liberties and a pointy critic of the wealthy and politically highly effective. He excoriated the plutocracy of the Gilded Age and their kitsch imitations of the European aristocracy’s tastes and possessions. However he quietly rejoiced within the underlying development of a mass of people that loomed as a separate base for later progressivism in politics. His concept of durations of democratic and progressive advance on the one hand, and response on the opposite, has endured.
The extremes of the Gilded Age prompted a wave of progressive reform within the US between the Nineties and 1920. In 1890, got here the primary federal act that outlawed monopolistic business practices, enforced via the courtroom system by Theodore Roosevelt, starting in 1902.
Legal guidelines have been launched for protection of workers (largely on the state degree and thru the courts), for direct election of senators, and for women’s suffrage. New legal guidelines additionally elevated the regulation of industry, with measures just like the Pure Food and Drug Act and the Federal Meat Inspection Act (each in 1906), and elevated sure commerce union rights, highlighted in Roosevelt’s intervention within the Anthracite Coal Mining Strike of 1902.

The Strike in the Coal Mines, Harper’s Weekly/Wikimedia Commons
Historical past doesn’t repeat; it might rhyme
Journalists, politicians and historians are speaking about right this moment’s “Gilded Age” as a repetition of the extreme wealth and energy of the 1870s. Nevertheless, Twain is usually quoted saying: “Historical past doesn’t repeat itself, nevertheless it typically rhymes.”
No written document exists to point out Twain ever used these actual phrases, however we will discover the sentiment expressed in The Gilded Age, which appears to be the place this gem originated. Twain and Warner truly wrote:
Historical past by no means repeats itself, however the Kaleidoscopic combos of the pictured current typically appear to be constructed out of the damaged fragments of vintage legends.
The unique Gilded Age was a rising, but flawed empire of the rich. At the moment’s second Gilded Age is a narrative of a plutocratic problem for energy in a democratic republic caught in long-term anxieties over its potential decline – led by a showman helming a wild, unpredictable experience.
One other similarity between then and now’s the try and legislate morality within the picture of typically ill-informed – however prone-to-vote – rural and small-town minorities. Within the Eighties, one finely balanced moral struggle was over whether or not the US ought to have statewide alcohol prohibition. In some methods, this parallels debates over state anti-abortion laws right this moment.

Adam Davis/AAP
There are extra superficial similarities, too.
Donald Trump is one among solely two presidents to serve two nonconsecutive phrases. The opposite was Democrat Grover Cleveland, within the Gilded Age. However the variations between Trump and Cleveland additionally strike me.
Cleveland was effectively linked with the enterprise group, however he was not a convicted felon. The worst he did was this: he had fathered an illegitimate little one, and his indiscretion grew to become the stuff of humorous marketing campaign literature in 1884’s presidential contest. “Ma Ma, the place’s My Pa?” chanted Republicans looking for to undermine his ethical integrity inside Victorian-era morality.
After Cleveland received, Democrats replied: “Gone to the White Home, Ha, Ha, Ha.” Trivial campaigning points are as previous, nearly, because the American republic itself.

Library of Congress, Pool/AAP
The Eighties, the time of Grover and his seemingly crooked Republican different, James G. Blaine, noticed morally suspect candidates rise to the floor. Democrats labelled Blaine “the continental liar from the state of Maine”, for utilizing his affect to acquire favours from railroad firms. That sample of maximum and infrequently frivolous partisanship has been renewed because the Obama presidency.
American presidential politics – then as now – is gladiatorial sport, signifying little within the long-term historical past of the US besides the recurrent failure of the nation to turn out to be extra totally democratic, not to mention a republic of equals. Within the Eighties and Nineties, legalised racism was on the rise, most African People have been dropping the correct to vote, and the ladies’s suffrage challenge was only starting to be influential, later than in Australasia.
Like right this moment, the Gilded Age was an period of a world communications revolution. Railways spread throughout North America, growing from 35,000 miles of monitor in 1865 to 254,000 miles in 1916. A roll-out of submarine telegraph cables connecting the US to the world was also well underway. This sample parallels our personal communications revolution, with social media and now AI persevering with to eclipse conventional media and in-person interplay.

Yale Assortment of Western Americana, Beinecke Uncommon Guide and Manuscript Library/Wikimedia Commons
Within the Gilded Age, the financial greatness of America was laid out. It was pushed ahead by wealthy entrepreneurs, in any other case generally known as robber barons: resembling John D. Rockefeller in oil, Andrew Carnegie in metal, and George Westinghouse in electrical energy and railroad brakes.
At the moment’s entrepreneurs are epitomised by the tech billionaires so outstanding at Trump’s inauguration, together with Meta co-founder and CEO Mark Zuckerberg and Amazon proprietor Jeff Bezos, whose different enterprises embrace house firm Blue Origin.
Chief amongst them is Elon Musk, proprietor of social media firm X, SpaceX, and electrical automobile firm Tesla. Musk, who helped fund and organise Trump’s election marketing campaign, has received “at the least US$38 billion in authorities contracts, loans, subsidies and tax credit, typically at crucial moments”, in accordance with the Washington Publish.

Tolga Akmen/AAP
Musk represents an escalation within the affect of the wealthy and highly effective. He has an workplace within the White Home, from which he runs the division of presidency effectivity (DOGE) and is commonly seen within the Oval Workplace itself. (Nevertheless, a federal judge ruled this week that the Musk-led DOGE’s shutdown of USAID seemingly violated the US structure, and ordered the administration to reverse among the actions taken to dismantle the company.)
Mark Twain would have felt at dwelling – and but not impressed – had he lived right this moment.
Altering empires
The place the panorama seems to be most completely different right this moment is our geopolitical context. The US within the Gilded Age was an up-and-coming power, however was not but the dominant world energy.
From 1865 to 1873, its industrial production would increase by 75%, placing the US forward of each different nation save Britain in manufacturing output. Its financial advance, achieved under a security blanket of protectionism, created an unlimited inner marketplace for capitalist development. Economists and financial historians differ on how influential the tariffs have been, as they nonetheless do right this moment.
Once more, this sounds acquainted, however the tariffs of the nineteenth century have been primarily launched as a part of inner political machinations, looking for to bind voters to at least one get together or the opposite. For Trump they’re, extra considerably, bargaining chips in a geopolitical contest.

Justin Lane/AAP
China, the world’s second biggest economy, is the true enemy on this regard. Within the Nineties, China was the positioning of the dying Qing Empire, with Britain the dominant world power.
Within the Nineties, reporters from the world’s newspapers didn’t dangle on each unnuanced phrase from a US president. At the moment may be very completely different. The US president is the controversial chief of the “free world”, intently watched by all. He incites the inward-looking anxieties of a fractious republic at a second when the so-called “unipolar order” (the place one state is by far probably the most highly effective) is disintegrating. He’s making an attempt to maintain America’s position, because the fall of the Soviet Union, because the undisputed, number-one energy on the earth.
In 1901, one other American president marked the tip of the Gilded Age. He was younger, extremely smart, Harvard educated and cosmopolitan. He had concepts about learn how to make America nice, but revered on the earth. His title was Theodore Roosevelt, and he grew to become president by chance.

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It took an murderer’s bullet to the abdomen of his predecessor, William McKinley, to offer momentum to the post-Gilded Age progressive period. Roosevelt sought to corral and restrict the facility of these “malefactors of nice wealth” who thrived within the Gilded Age. However he additionally wished the US to turn out to be – and stay – a world-leading imperial energy. He succeeded.
Like Trump, Roosevelt bypassed Congress to make use of the powers inherent within the presidency. Government orders flowed out: for instance, to guard forests for future use and create extra nationwide parks. The affect of individuals of nice wealth was checked to some extent, although not sufficient.
Roosevelt railed in opposition to trusts and Normal Oil was damaged up by the Supreme Court docket, however the rich industrialists continued to be influential. Congress rebelled in opposition to his iconoclasm after the midterm elections of 1906 and denied him the cash to do many additional reforms, together with his concept of creating his conservation agenda a worldwide motion.

The Bosses of the Senate by Joseph Keppler, Puck/Wikimedia Commons
Unqualified to guide a serious world energy
Not like Theodore Roosevelt, Trump might be the least certified determine to guide a serious world energy in residing reminiscence, in my view. In his first time period, he was notoriously “tough to transient on crucial nationwide safety issues”, according to the New York Times. “He has a brief consideration span and barely, if ever, reads intelligence reviews, relying as an alternative on conservative media and his buddies for data.”
In his 2018 ebook The Fifth Risk, journalist Michael Lewis confirmed how a lot Trump’s hubris and disrespect of element – which was mirrored in his first-term transition group – affected his first administration’s skill to be told in regards to the workings of the US authorities and put together to handle threat. “At a lot of the federal companies, there have been no actual briefings,” a former White Home official who intently watched the transition strategy of the primary Trump presidency informed him. “They have been mainly for present.”
However who may change Trump? The US is replete with Republican politicians pleased to say sure to Trumpism. They’re anxious and bold to take management of the MAGA motion within the 2028 presidential contest.
I wish to name them Trumpistas, as a result of Trump’s first time period as president typically appeared to me just like the antics of a banana republic’s chief. At the moment, one thinks of Argentina’s showman president Javier Milei. In Pope Francis’s phrases, Milei is within the class of “messianic clowns”.

Jacquelyn Martin/AAP
Simply as Milei has acted like a loopy showman, Trump performed at being an ill-informed knowledgeable in his first time period. In the course of the unfolding COVID-19 epidemic he acted as a form of chief medical advisor to the nation, repeatedly advocating non-remedies like hydroxychloroquine, on nationwide tv, whereas the director of the Nationwide Institute of Allergy and Infectious Ailments, Anthony Fauci, needed to sit close to him and endure. Trump appointed many unqualified people to administrative roles and refused to take recommendation from the presidential transition groups. It was chaos.
To date, Trump’s second time round is barely extra hectic, extra decided, extra centered and, I imagine, extra harmful in his insurance policies for the world.
Twain was a smart man. He understood we should always by no means count on issues to be the identical the subsequent time round. As an alternative, we should always search each the similarities and the variations in any period, to assist us make extra knowledgeable decisions in regards to the politicians we elect within the current.
Just like the historian who named the primary Gilded Age, we should always look ahead to the motion of underlying waves (or trajectories) of energy and sophistication inside historical past. The excesses of that period have been adopted by a reactive wave of progressive reform, from 1900 to 1920. It stays to be seen how Trump’s Gilded Age may rhyme with the primary – and what may observe.