The US-EU relationship is at its most fragile level since the build-up to the Iraq war in 2003. Whereas President Donald Trump overtly questions Nato and President Volodymyr Zelensky’s need for peace, EU leaders have continued to voice their unequivocal help for Ukraine in opposition to Russian aggression.
Between the 2 lies Britain. In a flurry of diplomacy, Keir Starmer has tried to navigate the nation’s difficult place: near the US diplomatically, whereas staying aligned with the EU’s Ukraine coverage.
I argue that Starmer might use Britain’s island identity – separated from its closest neighbours simply sufficient to permit a worldwide outlook – to his benefit. Appearing as an efficient hyperlink between the US and the EU might flip this time of disaster into a possibility. What Britain might lack in material capabilities, it may well make up for in skilful diplomacy.
Britain’s place as a “geopolitical bridge” stretches far again into the final century. As Britain was decolonising and reckoning with the rising energy of the US and a uniting European continent, appearing as a bridge was an efficient means of making certain relevance and sustaining alliances whereas its standing as an imperial nice energy waned.
This place was particularly favoured by Labour politicians eager to emphasize how a socialist Britain might act as a hyperlink between the capitalist and communist worlds. In (typically reluctantly) arguing for Britain’s entry into the European Financial Group, some Conservatives posited membership as permitting Britain to bridge the Atlantic, given the UK’s sturdy postwar ties with the US.
Even older is the concept of Britain as an “offshore balancer”. The UK’s proximity to the European continent meant it has at all times had a watch on political developments there. It has thus sought to keep up alliances to be able to stop Europe being dominated by one energy (Napoleonic France, Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union) who might threaten the island sanctuary.
With Britain not within the EU, this time of heightened transatlantic tensions gives a possibility to reclaim these geopolitical stances (and a few misplaced relevance) as an important interlocutor between America and Europe.
Nato on the brink
Trump is notoriously erratic and unpredictable, but one in every of his most constant motifs has been to question Nato and “free-riding” allies. Herein lies the spectre of probably the most terrifying British nightmare: an American withdrawal from Nato.
Britain and the US have, traditionally, each articulated their position as that of offshore balancer in relation to continental Europe. The menace in opposition to which they’ve been balancing for the reason that finish of the second world struggle is the Soviet Union after which Russia.
If the Trump administration ceases to treat Russia as a menace or sees no utility in appearing in its historic balancing position, the UK-US relationship might be positioned beneath severe menace. For the entire significance of Anglo-Saxon identification tropes, kith and kin and the particular relationship, alliances are greatest nurtured in circumstances of shared pursuits.
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Nato has been the actual cornerstone of UK international, defence and safety coverage for the reason that North Atlantic treaty’s inking in 1949, and is beloved of each Labour and Conservative politicians. US abandonment could be devastating. Thus it’s Starmer’s best problem and alternative.
The fact is that Nato is centred on continental Europe and at all times has been. Starmer can acquire frequent floor with Trump at this vital juncture by emphasising Britain’s islandness, and the US’s comparable separation from the continent.
Starmer might place Britain as a mid-Atlantic interlocutor, near Europe however not of Europe – interesting to the antipathy of some within the Trump administration in regards to the continent. And his authorities has already gained Trump’s approval by growing defence spending, an act that may also please nervous European governments.
International Britain?
At this second, Britain appears nearer to the EU than it has been since 2016. International and defence coverage stay, to some extent, unfulfilled gaps within the EU’s portfolio. If Starmer can forge an in depth relationship round these points, he can undercut among the disappointments round Brexit, resembling Britain being considered as much less related internationally and dropping a seat at European safety discussions.
However the newest improve in defence spending, the British Military is smaller than it has been for a number of hundred years. Cuts to international support, together with the merging of international development with the Foreign Office have prompted questions round Britain’s worldwide clout.
But its leaders stay excessive profile and listened to, with Starmer managing to chop a dignified determine in an period of posturing strongmen. He might want to persuade Trump and his staff that Europe (and Nato) is worthy of their time and a focus. He should emphasise their frequent floor as offshore balancers, able to offering a counterweight to Russia.
EU leaders may also have to be reassured of Britain’s dedication to the continent after Brexit. Urgent tougher for a UK-EU safety pact is a technique Starmer might sign this.
Number 10/Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND
Trump repeatedly emphasises the non-public facet of politics, seeing states and alliances by means of a prism of which leaders are keen to flatter him or, on the very least, be “respectful”. Starmer grasped this early on and thus has a shot at forging a productive relationship with Trump, nonetheless painful it could be for some in his occasion.
But the stakes are a lot increased than disgruntled backbenchers. The Labour occasion, with its internationalist roots, is deeply pleased with the international insurance policies of Clement Attlee and Ernest Bevin (though much less so of Tony Blair’s). Though it might be careworn in several phrases to their Conservative opponents, the occasion is simply as involved with retaining relevance and affect on the world stage.
If this Labour authorities can discover a technique to efficiently act as a bridge – by fascinating Trump in Europe and convincing the EU that they’re a dependable associate – then this not solely salves among the wounds of Brexit, it additionally doubtlessly retains Nato alive, for now.
